Saturday, 19 July 2014

On activists, revolutionaries, the poor and the middle class

 A Facebook friend of mine tagged me on a post questioning the commitment of modern day human rights activists. After referencing great men who led the great struggles of the past - men like Mandela, Martin Luther King and Che Guavara - he went on to ask, "But do the current activists wear the shoes of those great men? There is a great disconnect between HR defenders and those they fight for. The underdogs live in Korokocho, Kibera, Huruma et. al as they (activist) live in upper class estates with tight security and up to date social amenities, activists eat in expensive hotels, drive and enjoy same status as the same people the fight (oppressor) which is the exact opposite of who they are fighting for. You see I habour no ill will against activist but it has puzzled me for a long time that their lifestyles betrays them. In Mandela,  Che,  Luther’s time activism was a calling, that inner desire to stand for a fellow man. Che fought, ate, slept with the oppressed in the forests and streets. They fought for no monetary value but today activism in an employment, donors are pumping money to activist groups for their own interests. Activism is losing meaning, Human Rights violation is rising who will stand for the less fortunate? We ought to redefine our priorities, let’s serve fellow man because its honourable to."

Here's my response:

My brother, you make a good point. Activism should not just be another job, and certainly it is wrong to get rich on the backs of the poor, whether you are a capitalist or an activist.

But your statement over-generalises and oversimplifies history. It is true Che Guevara 'fought, ate, slept with the oppressed,' but Che was not an activist. He was a revolutionary and he was a soldier, and as a soldier, he had to live a soldier's life. All the other people you refer to including Mandela and Martin Luther King lived typical middle class lives.

We should not be fixated with the idea that to help the poor, one must share their poverty. That is a romantic fallacy. Most revolutions in the world have been started and led by the middle class, not the poor. And it is not necessary for me to move to Korogocho in order to stand up and fight for the rights of the people of Korogocho.

Most of us have already been there and done that. We were raised in poverty and endured deprivation. That is why we fight for a better life for all. And most of us have paid and continue to pay a high price for our activism. Many of my classmates that chose safer paths are now judges, principle secretaries, heads of commissions and CEOs of companies. They drive big cars, live in leafy suburbs, holiday abroad and have their children's fees in international schools paid for as part of their employment benefits. Even more painful, once you have taken the route of activism, you constantly pay the price as you are denied government jobs and opportunities you qualify for.


So, yes by all means we should call out those who have made activism a mere career and we should criticize those who are in it to enrich themselves at the expense of standing up for 'the least of these', but we should avoid the trap set by those who spread propaganda that modern day activists are no more than mercenaries feathering their own nests at the expense of the poor.

Friday, 18 July 2014

Echoes of Injustice

Gaza Ukraine Malaysian Air
Pain and tears here and there
Anger agony and despair
Echoes of injustice everywhere
Can anyone hope on a prayer?

Is there really anyone out there?

Tuesday, 15 July 2014

My All in All

You found me merely living
And made me discover life
You found me a mere man
And turned me into a real human
You moved into my house
And transformed it into a home
You took hold of my dying heart
And made me into a living soul
You found me merely successful
And made me truly significant
Thank you my faithful Friend
For showing me beyond doubt
That you're more than a Jewish carpenter
You are Jesus the Christ
My Lord and my Savior
My All in All.

Thursday, 3 July 2014

Saba Saba Ina Wanyewe! (Saba Saba Has Its Owners!)

Politicians should stop playing football with #SabaSaba Day. It is NOT their day. It is OUR day; it has always been our day.

Saba Saba 1991 marked the start of the first 'Kenyan Spring'. At a time when we could barely breathe a word without looking over our shoulders or have a birthday party without a licence, Kenyans dared to look the beast in the eye and say 'enough!'

They may have been led in this call by two brave Kenyans who also happened to be politicians, Kenneth Matiba and Charles Rubia. But after the two leaders were whisked away to begin many months of detention without trial, it was ordinary Kenyans who deigned to tread where eagles dared.

It was ordinary Kenyans who bore the brunt of the bullets and the batons. It was ordinary Kenyans who choked on the teargas, who lost their lives, who buried their dead, but who nevertheless stood up and confronted the forces of tyranny. And it was ordinary Kenyans who spoke in no uncertain terms that day and told Moi 'thus far and no further.' Their stand led to the reintroduction of political pluralism and the first competitive elections in 1992.

On Saba Saba 1997, the second 'Kenyan Spring' dawned as Kenyans took a stand once more, this time demanding a say in the making of their new constitution as Moi insisted that only a Parliament that he dominated had the mandate to discuss the constitution, dismissively asking what 'Wanjiku' understood about constitution-making. But once again the voice of Wanjiku eventually  carried the day. However, as in the previous Saba Saba, many had to fall and we still have many walking wounded in our midst as a result of daring to speak truth to power in love, the price we have always had to pay for the freedoms we enjoy.

And so as we approach #SabaSaba 2014, let not the politicians mistake our silence for ignorance, or our calm for indifference. Let them not think that spreading rumours and propaganda about insecurity or Mungiki or Taliban or MRC will scare us and silence us into submission. But let them know that when these hard-won freedoms are threatened, we shall stand up and defend them. And we shall not do so for Raila Odinga or against Uhuru Kenyatta. We shall do so for ourselves and for the future of our children. We have always done so in the past, and we shall always do so in the future.

Amkeni Ndugu Zetu! 

Wednesday, 25 June 2014

Democracy should not be important only when it advances our interests: an open letter to the Kikuyu community.

My dear brothers and sisters, fellow members of the Kikuyu community,

I have agonized over writing this letter for some days now knowing just what politically charged times we live in and fearing that what I have to say may not go down well with everybody who reads it. But after weighing carefully the pros and cons, I came to the conclusion that what has to be said must be said even if it proves unpopular in some quarters because ultimately it is the truth that shall set us free. And even if we may not agree on what the truth is, we owe it to ourselves to have an honest conversation with the hope to moving forward together towards the truth.  

My fellow Kenyans of Kikuyu origin, it is time to come and let us reason together. Indeed the time for some serious soul-searching and deep reflection has been upon us for quite a while now. It is time to reflect and talk honestly about our community and the place it has occupied in Kenya’s history and continues to occupy in Kenya’s body politic.

Our community is the largest ethnic group in Kenya, and we have produced three of the four presidents that Kenya has had since independence. Whether we want to admit it or not, in a country of more than 40 communities, in a country which is so ethnically polarized as ours, in a country where resources tend to follow power, for one community to produce three out of four presidents in over half a century of independence is a big deal.

Our community also controls a significant part of the national economy and we are by far the most successful group from an economic point of view. By using the word “we” I am of course over-generalizing. I am aware that there are many poor in our midst - hawkers and casual workers in the cities, peasants and farmhands in the countryside, and the unemployed youth all over. I am also aware that often, our people have borne the brunt of the fallout from bad politics. From Molo to Burned Forest, from Kuresoi to Likoni, our men have been killed, our women have been raped, our children have been displaced. When the elephants have fought, we are the grass that has suffered and we continue to bear the scars of our suffering. But to the extent that when we have been called upon by our politicians to use our vote to ‘protect our own’ we have readily heeded the call and often acted as a block, then this generalization is justified.

Most of us who are economically successful view our success as being the result of an enterprising spirit that characterizes our community. Yet we have allowed ourselves to become hostage to a siege mentality and to regard ourselves as the targets of “envious hatred from less successful communities.” We point to the post-election violence of 2007 and 2008 and the Moi-era ethnic violence as the evidence that supports this view. Those of us who hold this view have come to regard the retention of political power as a prerequisite to our continued survival as a people, in a country where others have become hostile to a point where they can even be moved to contemplate genocidal violence against us.

Our politicians, professionals, priests and pastors were at the forefront of the struggle for democratic rights which President Moi trampled upon when he ruled this country for 24 years. At that time, democracy was an important value to us. For example, when Moi conducted farcical elections in 1988, which were targeted at muting our voice and that of the Luo in national politics, we carried our grievances loudly and for a long time. The ills of the 1988 elections are what motivated the political rebellion which led to multi-party politics in 1992.

When the 2007 elections went horribly wrong, which many people think was the only reason Mwai Kibaki retained himself in power, our sentiment was that democracy was no longer so important, so long as there was peace. A similar view has characterized our view of the 2013 elections, whose accountability mechanisms collapsed spectacularly. Instead of addressing legitimate concerns raised at the time and since, we have continued to arrogantly tell the rest of the country to “accept and move on!”

In the eyes of the rest of the country, democracy is only important to us when it favours our interests, and ceases to be so when we have political power. The names we are calling Raila Odinga on social media and elsewhere, at home and in the diaspora, are the very names that Moi called our leaders in the struggles for democracy in the 1980s.

In between this general narrative, there are minor narratives, like that of Raila Odinga declaring  “Kibaki tosha” and thereby significantly boosting Kibaki’s chances of succeeding Moi at State House, and that of Kalonzo Musyoka supporting Kibaki after the catastrophic 2007 elections, the only way Kibaki maintained himself in power in that turbulent period. According to this narrative, when his term ended, it was reasonably expected that the least that Kibaki could have done was to return the favour, if not to Raila, then to Musyoka. Instead, Uhuru Kenyatta, who had come full circle from being Kibaki’s principal opponent in the 2002 elections and leader of opposition thereafter, became president.

 According to many observers of our country’s history, Kibaki's apparent ingratitude is not just a personal attribute but a reflection of our community. The “punda amechoka” remarks attributed to Raila Odinga refers, however inelegantly, not only to this but also the longer history going back to the relationship between Raila’s father, Jaramogi, and Jomo Kenyatta,  which was also characterized by unrequited loyalty of the former to the latter.

The manner in which the our current president and his deputy went about constituting their government after the 2013 elections, reserving most of the important positions for our people, continues to feed this growing sense of grievance against us.

In the face of the many unanswered questions about the 2013 elections, our president has gone on to protect the IEBC thereby presenting the country with the inevitability of another election in 2017 under this body which his competitors have vowed will not happen since, according to them, to allow it would be to volunteer to be led once again to an electoral slaughterhouse with their eyes wide open.

Today, many view us as having a relationship of horse and rider with the rest of the country including increasingly even the Kalenjin, our bedfellows in Jubilee. The URP’s recent brickbats against Cabinet Secretary Anne Waiguru, greatly disproportionate to her alleged misdeeds, were based on this view.

President Kenyatta’s recent speech, in which blamed the violence in Mpeketoni on the opposition, is significant because in saying what he said, he sadly descended from the high position of president of the republic, to the low position of our tribal leader. Instead of uniting the nation, he chose to divide it.

The domination by our people of government positions did not prevent, or save us from, the tragic events of  early 2008. What our country desperately needs at this point is political justice. Many see us as using our dominant political and economic position to prevent the realization of this ideal. The vote is important and is the only thing that will protect all of us from the mass violence we have experienced in the past. Our current government has swept under the carpet the questions and doubts arising from the conduct and outcome of the 2013 elections which, together with those of 2007, have come to represent the view that no matter the efforts of others, our community alone decides who becomes the president of Kenya, and does so using whatever rules we choose.  

But the question that we don’t seem to want to address is this, what is the better guarantor of our survival, retaining political power for ourselves by all means or creating strong democratic institutions which will guarantee the rights of all Kenyans no matter who happens to occupy the House on the Hill?

If Kenya is to have a future that includes all of us, the pervasive fear that causes us to pour such scorn and vitriol on Raila Odinga every time he seeks to have a conversation about that future must be contained or it will consume us all. The insults must stop, the arrogance must cease, the myth that we are more equal citizens of this republic whose vision of its future is the only one that counts must be debunked once and for all.

We must find ways to reach out to others and deal with them as equal stakeholders in the fortunes of the land of our birth as we address the common problems threatening to tear our country apart. And if on some point you feel differently; if you feel that I have been unfair to you because I have lumped you together with those pursuing a vision of Kikuyu hegemony over the affairs of our land, then it behooves you to join me in calling out those who do so in our name. For at such a time as this, when our country faces such existential challenges, remaining silent is not an option.

Yours sincerely,
Njonjo Mue.

Tuesday, 8 April 2014

KQ's dreams won't be realized unless it styles up!

In the name of patriotism, I try not to be too critical of Kenya Airways, after all it's the national carrier... and the Pride of Africa. But recent flights to and from Amsterdam have compelled me to speak out also in the name of patriotism. I don't want to see our national carrier go out of business for lack of proper passenger feedback. I'd rather tell them to style up than vote with my feet and just stop flying KQ. So here goes:

1. That was a sorry excuse for a breakfast! The flight departs at 8.15 a.m. That means one has to be at the airport at 6.15 a.m., that means waking up at around 4 a.m. So finally when you get to your seat, you are quite hungry. And then what do you get? Some microscopic cereals without milk, a small yoghurt and a tiny bread roll. And, wait for this, no butter; instead, they've squeezed some Blue Band into a tiny container similar to those that one is given to place their stuff in for lab tests. As for lunch, KQ can't afford salad dressing, and that Blue Band again!

2. Our captain on the flight to Amsterdam had this dazed and disengaged voice that told you that either he had been up too late the night before, or that he had long lost interest in his job. The couple of announcements he had to make seemed like such a chore. On approaching Schiphol, he duly told us that we had began our descent to Jomo Kenyatta International Airport. That was a slip of the tongue, but with another Boeing 777 still missing with passengers and crew at that point after making unscheduled left turns in the sky, it was not very comforting to hear this from our captain. More importantly, it communicated a lack of precision that was discomfiting.

3. As for in-flight entertainment, the selection of both music and movies was poor. Half way through watching my movie, it just blacked out and told me the service was no longer available. Just like that! Being the practical person that I am and since I was rather enjoying the movie, I decided, not a problem, I will watch it on the return flight. Shock on me. On the return flight, it was not just one movie that didn't show, the entire in-flight entertainment of my seat was not functioning. I asked the cabin crew what was up and the answer I got? "Actually, there are 30 seats whose entertainment sets are not working and as this is a full flight, there's nothing I can do." Really??

4. On the return flight, we happened to be graced by the President of Burundi. But it was not enough for us to be informed of this great privilege. No. Every announcement had to be prefaced with "Your Excellency the President of the Republic of Burundi, Honorable Pierre Nkuruzinza, ladies and gentlemen...." And I mean every announcement from welcoming us on board, giving us safety instructions, telling us the captain had now switched off the fasten the seat belt sign, informing us dinner was on the way, telling us about the weather in Nairobi, welcoming us to JKIA, etc. all had to start with "Your Excellency the President of the Republic of Burundi, Hon Pierre Nkuruzinza, ladies and gentlemen..." It was maddening, it was like being in a political rally.

I arrived home on Saturday to the news that KQ had received the first of their new dream liner fleet. But it doesn't matter how many dreamliners they acquire, if their service does not improve, they will soon go out of business. We are patriotic and would love nothing better than to support the national carrier, but for all its alleged glamour, flying still amounts to little more than being trapped for eight hours in a metal cage 39,000 feet above sea level. If I am going to endure that necessary imprisonment, I expect the service on board to be of a standard that helps me momentarily to forget the fact of my incarceration.

Friday, 4 April 2014

Finishing on the right side of history...

Over the last two days, and this being the day Martin Luther King Jr. was felled by an assassin's bullet, I've been starkly reminded that standing up for justice can be costly. But those who, at great risk to themselves, speak up for 'the least of these' must continue to do so confident in the knowledge that God himself is able to protect them, including protecting them beyond physical death. For if we give up our life for the cause of justice, we continue to live in the hearts of those for whom we made the ultimate sacrifice. And we finish on the right side of history, knowing that ultimately good will overcome evil, justice will outlive injustice, love will triumph over hate, hope will outlast despair and life will conquer death.