Thursday 18 December 2014

JUBILEE MANIFESTO 2017

Yesterday marked the official start of Uhuru Kenyatta's re-election campaign. The ‪#‎SecurityBill‬ had little to do with containing terrorists but everything to do with terrorising citizens into submitting to every whim of the state, to stop us from exposing the rot, to never dare point out that the Emperor's new clothes are a bit too revealing, and thereby to eventually guarantee that the prophesied 20 year rule of Jubilee becomes a reality.
Now they shall detain us without trial, they shall declare us guilty until we are proved innocent, they shall listen to our phone calls, they shall require us to ask for their permission to investigate them, we shall also have to check with them whether some pictures are 'gory' or 'offensive' before we can share them, they shall deregister us claiming we are funding terrorists without providing a shred of evidence or giving us a chance to be heard, and, oh yes, in everything we do, we must be very careful not 'to undermine the authority of a public officer'. We've been here before and some of us are old enough to remember how Moi did it and Kenyatta before him.
The big question of the day is, are we supposed to just roll over and accept to give up all the gains we have fought, sweated, bled and died for over the last two decades?
The struggle of people against power is the struggle of memory against forgetting.
Amkeni ndugu zetu.

Sunday 7 December 2014

A Kenyan Tragedy

Just seen a disturbing documentary straight after prime time news on KTN made by Mike Sonko showing him dishing out wads of money Moi-style to victims of the Loreto bus accident. He visited each of their homes to give them cash, went to weep at the gravesides of those who died, took all the families on an excursion to Lake Nakuru National Park and on helicopter rides, and then for dinner at The Carnivore.

The families seemed truly pleased and heaped praises on their beloved Senator and the President who apparently had also sent Sonko with Ksh. 600,000 to distribute to the families. The documentary, whose executive producer was Sonko himself, reminded me of the KBC weekly program 'Yaliyotokea' which used to showcase a summary of the public events that Moi had attended  during a particular week.

While one cannot blame the victims' families for accepting the freebies, it is disturbing that no one asks where all this money is coming from. Even more disturbing is the fact that instead of finding a long term policy solution to the carnage on our roads, our leaders wait for people to be killed and maimed and then go and cry crocodile tears while making documentaries of themselves to campaign for the next election. A uniquely Kenyan tragedy.

Friday 5 December 2014

The arc of the moral universe it long, but it bends toward justice.

The rich and the powerful of this world may use their money and power to subvert the institutions of this world and to trample the rights of the poor and the powerless and deny them justice. They may use their money to get the best legal representation money can buy. They may kill, disappear, intimidate or bribe witnesses. They may use their positions of power to mobilize hoards of supporters and rally fellow rich and powerful people to their cause. And for a time, they may appear to have prevailed, but only for a while. For the arc of the moral universe is long, but it bends towards justice. 

Tuesday 2 December 2014

Ole Nkaisserry for Ole Lenku: Same cake, different icing...

Substituting one Joseph for another (Nkaissery for Lenku) in the Security Docket does nothing to improve our security if the underlying issues of an unreformed, corrupt and inept security sector are not honestly and seriously addressed. This is just Uhuru Kenyatta finding an alibi in advance to explain the abysmal failure of his government to protect the Kenyan people when the time comes to campaign for re-election in 2017.
He is in effect telling ODM: "You've been complaining about insecurity, I am now appointing one of your own, a (nominal) ODM politician to be (nominally) in charge."
But once the false trappings of power lose their allure for Nkaisserry as they did for Lenku, he will realise that he has been handed a poison chalice; when it becomes clear that it's a no win situation for him, he will either resign or be fired. By this time it will be close enough to the elections, and Jubilee can take advantage of Kenyans' short memories and claim that it was actually ODM that was in charge of security at the time when insecurity decimated Kenya.
The struggle of people against power is the struggle of memory against forgetting. Amkeni ndugu zetu.

Friday 21 November 2014

What's in a Name?

Today our daughter Nashipai celebrates her one week birthday. As we mark this milestone, one thing we are quickly finding out is that if you are to swim against the current, be prepared to answer questions at every turn. In our case, her name Nashipai Katindi Njonjo has been the subject of many conversations and curious whispers. The most interesting being, since traditionally our middle name is usually regarded as our 'real' name (the first being the 'given name' and the last being the surname), then, 'Why is she being named after Katindi instead of after my mother according to the Kikuyu custom?' And we have to explain that her name is not Katindi, it is Nashipai. Katindi Njonjo is her composite surname, although not hyphenated. Then instead of using the Kikuyu naming pattern strictly under which she would have been called Nyambura after my mother, we chose a name that reflects a character quality that most reminds us of my mother, hence Nashipai. Which is also controversial to some, since it is neither a Kikuyu nor a Kamba name (it is not even a Kiswahili name like Baraka or Neema - which many regard as fairly neutral and safe in our ethnically sensitive culture), but a Samburu one. Nchipai means happiness and also praise. Nashipai is the female name of the one who brings happiness and also an expression of praise in a divine context. My late mother, even with her modest education, was never shy of breaking new ground. She was a trade unionist in the factory where she worked even before I could walk. I am sure she would have been proud of both her latest grandchild and the names that she bears.

Thursday 9 October 2014

MUCH ADO ABOUT NOTHING: KENYA’S HISTORIC AND COSTLY NON-EVENT

Kenyans learned a very expensive lesson this week: that the President is like the Titanic, very difficult to turn around. Or, to put it more accurately, that eating presidential humble pie can be a costly national exercise.

For whatever spin politicians try to put on this week’s bizarre events, they amount to little more than so much pomp and circumstance to justify Uhuru Kenyatta’s having to eat humble pie and appear before a court he dismissed barely a year ago as “a pantomime, a toy of declining imperial powers”.  

Kenyatta had invested over a year of his presidency badmouthing the ICC and sending his ministers crisscrossing the globe in search of allies to back his impunity bandwagon. He had staked his diplomatic reputation to mobilize fellow African leaders to answer his call to arms against the ICC and they had dutifully played along, going so far as to swear that no African head of state would ever appear before the ICC and to amend their own laws to provide that they could never be prosecuted before a regional court yet to be created.  And yet on the date that he should have been toasting to Uganda’s independence anniversary with his comrade-in-arms, Yoweri Museveni, Mr. Kenyatta sat subdued in court, expressionless and mute, as if dutifully playing the lead role in a pantomime.

But to justify why he was now going to travel to The Hague and appear before the ‘toy of declining imperial powers,’ President Kenyatta had to first make a big show of temporarily handing over power to his Deputy, “so that Kenya’s sovereignty is not subjected to a foreign jurisdiction.” And so various organs of state had to be convened in emergency sessions including the Cabinet, the National Security Council and Parliament to be informed that the President of the Republic was donating his ‘P’ to William Ruto and becoming a mere Resident of the Republic, or an unPresident if you like, so that he could travel to the ICC in his individual capacity.

And we all played along. We pretended not to remember that Mr. Kenyatta was charged before the ICC as an individual because the ICC only prosecutes individuals, not presidents or prime ministers. We pretended that had he traveled to The Hague without all the fanfare of signing legal instruments handing over power to his deputy, power would still have been automatically transferred to Ruto as it always is every time the President travels abroad. We pretended that our sovereignty was now safe and secure at home in the hands of Ruto and forgot that our sovereignty was never vested in Uhuru Kenyatta in the first place; it always vests in the people of Kenya.

In other words, just as Uhuru Kenyatta was signing an instrument to temporarily hand over power, we collectively also seemed to temporarily take leave of our senses. At least the MPs did, and the Cabinet, and the National Security Council, and the media who faithfully reported this farce, this melodrama from the theatre of the absurd, as if it was really news and analysis.

But as Uhuru Kenyatta took back his ‘P’ from Ruto, it is my hope that we too resumed our senses. For only then would we realize just what an expensive melodrama this was when we calculate just how much this latest chapter of the ‘personal challenge’ actually cost the taxpayer. From the recalling of Parliamentarians from recess to witness a constitutional non-event, to flying the whole House to make a spectacle of themselves in The Hague, to flying unPresident Uhuru and unFirst Lady Margaret out and flying back President Kenyatta and First Lady Margaret, to blocking Nairobi traffic for seven hours, to paying off hysterical praise singers.


More importantly, it is my hope that as we resume our senses, we will also remember to whisper a prayer for the souls of the 1,133 Kenyans who could not be present to witness this costly non-event because the events of 2008 permanently removed them from our midst without giving them the option of coming back from the grave and resuming their personhood at a time of their choosing. 

Tuesday 12 August 2014

You don't have to be mentally ill to suffer from mental illness.

In a period of just one month, my wife Katindi Sivi Njonjo and I have lost two dear friends to depression, and the world woke up today to news that depression had also claimed one of its most beloved entertainers, Robin Williams.
The grief of those most directly affected by these tragic deaths is unimaginable. But what is truly tragic is the utter neglect of mental health by both policy makers and society at large; the assumption that those who suffer from mental illness are somehow to blame for their misfortune for being weak or failing to just 'snap out of it', as if being mentally ill was something they accept by choice .
And yet it is the case that you don't have to be mentally ill to suffer from mental illness because all of us have a family member or a close friend or know someone who suffers depression, bipolar disorder, schizophrenia, or some other form mental illness. And with all the pressures of modern living, mental illness is reaching crisis proportions.
And so as we mourn the passing of Robin Williams, let us take a moment and consider what we can do, individually and collectively, to be the agents of healing for those suffering in our midst by fighting stigma, advocating for the necessary resources by government, and by being there for those who, due to no fault of their own, find themselves alone and trapped in the prison of their own minds.

Friday 8 August 2014

Being His hands and feet...

Yesterday, Day 4 of the Citizen Mobilization Conference, participants went on a field trip to visit the J.L. Zwane Memorial Church and the Treatment Action Campaign (TAC) in Guguletu. The J.L. Zwane visit was as humbling as it was inspiring. Under the leadership of Rev. Spiwo Xapile, the church has become a beacon of hope in the impoverished community ravaged by poverty and HIV/AIDS. The local congregation broke ranks with the denomination leadership to embrace the needy in the community, joining hands with TAC despite the latter being associated with gay people and prostitutes. J.L. Zwane opened its doors to the suffering and cared for the dying. Today, it hosts a hospice and has trained social workers and care givers to walk with the HIV/AIDS victims in their last days. Some of the lessons we learned from J.L. Zwane:

- We must allow ourselves to trust even the untrustworthy, for only then do we create space for transformation.
- The local church must support and cover those that step forward and go and serve in the front lines. The church should be a refueling station where members come to recharge their batteries before going back to the battlefield.
- We must deconstruct church hierarchies and make church relevant to the people’s lived experiences.
- We must be willing to go beyond all boundaries. Having suffered exclusion ourselves, we should not exclude others.
- Need to link grassroots actors with policy actors.
- We cannot commit to winning an argument and losing a person.
- God needs a person to go for Him, and I'm that person.


As we left J.L. Zwane, we left behind a beehive of activity. A TAC workshop on sexual and gender based violence was underway in the hall, children in the after school programme were enjoying their lunch in the courtyard, some women were singing melodiously in the sanctuary, and the sick and dying were being cared for with dignity in the hospice.  In other words, the church was doing what the church was always meant to do – to be the hands and feet of Jesus Christ, engaged in the work of healing the community, feeding the hungry, spreading hope, and reconciling people to one another and to God.

Wednesday 30 July 2014

Not by race, tribe or colour; but by purpose...

God did not evict the Canaanites, the Hittites, the Amorites, the Hivites and the Jebusites from their land merely because he favoured the Hebrews over them. No, the Hebrews were appointed to be the instruments of God's judgment over these peoples - for the sin of the Amorites had finally reached its full measure according to Genesis 15:16. And these peoples were being judged because of their detestable practices the worst being the burning of children before the fire god Moloch.
As I watch the brutal massacre of children in the killing fields of Gaza today, their sacrifice once more before the fire god, Moloch, I cry out to the God of justice and ask, how long before the sin of today's Amorites reaches its full measure? How many more children must die before you can remind us once again that no matter who we are, we are not special to you because of our race, our colour, our tribe, our creed or our even religion, but we are special to you because of our purpose? And that our purpose is to love you with all our heart, soul, mind and strength, and to love our neighbour as ourselves.

Friday 25 July 2014

Don't equivocate where you should lead.



Today I came across the following quote on page 314 of Gerry Loughran's book 'Birth of a Nation: The Story of a Newspaper in Kenya' chronicling the history of the Nation newspaper. He references an interview he did with me in London in the late 1990s and it has had me wondering whether our media has changed in its outlook or contribution to democracy since.
"It would be dishonest not to acknowledge 'The Nation's' occasional descent into sycophancy, its periods of calculated silence and its propensity to turn a blind eye. In a London interview with this writer in early research for this book, human rights activist Njonjo Mue used words that proved uncannily prophetic when he suggested that 'The Nation' sometimes equivocated when it should have led. Referring to the 1997 poll, he said:
""I read a number of irritating, almost patronizing editorials calling on all sides to come together and eschew violence and so on instead of taking a real stand, not for a particular party but on the side of justice and respect for human rights. In countries where the political opposition is undeveloped, the media find themselves being pushed into that vacuum, not to play a blatant opposition role but to set out the issues clearly for public debate. I felt 'The Nation' did not play the role it might have.""

Wednesday 23 July 2014

God's Chosen People or the Synagogue of Satan?

For the longest time, ever since we were children, we were taught that Israel are God's special people, the chosen race, that as good Christians we should pray for the state of Israel.

Now I watch this genocide going on in Gaza. The murder of children, women and men; the bombing of schools and hospitals, the destruction of homes.... and this by God's chosen people.... in the name of self-defence against an occupied territory that has no army, no air force, no navy.

The death toll inflicted on the unchosen people on Day 15 is almost 700 against 20 Israelis. But Benjamin Netanyahu tells the world not to worry about the unchosen, because they are 'telegenically dead'. What does that mean???

The US and Europe ban their flights from flying to Israel over security concerns and there's an outcry from the chosen people. "Unfair!" they scream. Less than 24 hours and they are already feeling the isolation. And yet for a decade, they have blockaded the people of Gaza to suffocation.

I'm I the only Christian who is feeling confused here? My mother is no longer alive for me to ask her if I should continue to pray for the state of Israel for God to give them wisdom on how to respond to the dilemma of the 'telegenically dead', for God to protect their soldiers as they annihilate the unchosen children and destroy their homes, schools and hospitals, for God to rebuke the Americans and the Europeans for banning their planes from flying to the Holy Land.

And so this morning I have to part ways with the faith of my mother in God's chosen people. I have to remind myself that in the same scriptures that my mother told me to seek guidance from even in her absence, I have read somewhere that we should love our neighbour, that we should not kill... even 'telegenically kill.' And I have also read in the same scriptures in the third chapter of the book of Revelation the following promise of Jesus, words that I pray would bring comfort to the children dying in Gaza:

"8 See, I have placed before you an open door that no one can shut. I know that you have little strength, yet you have kept my word and have not denied my name. 9 I will make those who are of the synagogue of Satan, who claim to be Jews though they are not, but are liars—I will make them come and fall down at your feet and acknowledge that I have loved you." 

Saturday 19 July 2014

On activists, revolutionaries, the poor and the middle class

 A Facebook friend of mine tagged me on a post questioning the commitment of modern day human rights activists. After referencing great men who led the great struggles of the past - men like Mandela, Martin Luther King and Che Guavara - he went on to ask, "But do the current activists wear the shoes of those great men? There is a great disconnect between HR defenders and those they fight for. The underdogs live in Korokocho, Kibera, Huruma et. al as they (activist) live in upper class estates with tight security and up to date social amenities, activists eat in expensive hotels, drive and enjoy same status as the same people the fight (oppressor) which is the exact opposite of who they are fighting for. You see I habour no ill will against activist but it has puzzled me for a long time that their lifestyles betrays them. In Mandela,  Che,  Luther’s time activism was a calling, that inner desire to stand for a fellow man. Che fought, ate, slept with the oppressed in the forests and streets. They fought for no monetary value but today activism in an employment, donors are pumping money to activist groups for their own interests. Activism is losing meaning, Human Rights violation is rising who will stand for the less fortunate? We ought to redefine our priorities, let’s serve fellow man because its honourable to."

Here's my response:

My brother, you make a good point. Activism should not just be another job, and certainly it is wrong to get rich on the backs of the poor, whether you are a capitalist or an activist.

But your statement over-generalises and oversimplifies history. It is true Che Guevara 'fought, ate, slept with the oppressed,' but Che was not an activist. He was a revolutionary and he was a soldier, and as a soldier, he had to live a soldier's life. All the other people you refer to including Mandela and Martin Luther King lived typical middle class lives.

We should not be fixated with the idea that to help the poor, one must share their poverty. That is a romantic fallacy. Most revolutions in the world have been started and led by the middle class, not the poor. And it is not necessary for me to move to Korogocho in order to stand up and fight for the rights of the people of Korogocho.

Most of us have already been there and done that. We were raised in poverty and endured deprivation. That is why we fight for a better life for all. And most of us have paid and continue to pay a high price for our activism. Many of my classmates that chose safer paths are now judges, principle secretaries, heads of commissions and CEOs of companies. They drive big cars, live in leafy suburbs, holiday abroad and have their children's fees in international schools paid for as part of their employment benefits. Even more painful, once you have taken the route of activism, you constantly pay the price as you are denied government jobs and opportunities you qualify for.


So, yes by all means we should call out those who have made activism a mere career and we should criticize those who are in it to enrich themselves at the expense of standing up for 'the least of these', but we should avoid the trap set by those who spread propaganda that modern day activists are no more than mercenaries feathering their own nests at the expense of the poor.

Friday 18 July 2014

Echoes of Injustice

Gaza Ukraine Malaysian Air
Pain and tears here and there
Anger agony and despair
Echoes of injustice everywhere
Can anyone hope on a prayer?

Is there really anyone out there?

Tuesday 15 July 2014

My All in All

You found me merely living
And made me discover life
You found me a mere man
And turned me into a real human
You moved into my house
And transformed it into a home
You took hold of my dying heart
And made me into a living soul
You found me merely successful
And made me truly significant
Thank you my faithful Friend
For showing me beyond doubt
That you're more than a Jewish carpenter
You are Jesus the Christ
My Lord and my Savior
My All in All.

Thursday 3 July 2014

Saba Saba Ina Wanyewe! (Saba Saba Has Its Owners!)

Politicians should stop playing football with #SabaSaba Day. It is NOT their day. It is OUR day; it has always been our day.

Saba Saba 1991 marked the start of the first 'Kenyan Spring'. At a time when we could barely breathe a word without looking over our shoulders or have a birthday party without a licence, Kenyans dared to look the beast in the eye and say 'enough!'

They may have been led in this call by two brave Kenyans who also happened to be politicians, Kenneth Matiba and Charles Rubia. But after the two leaders were whisked away to begin many months of detention without trial, it was ordinary Kenyans who deigned to tread where eagles dared.

It was ordinary Kenyans who bore the brunt of the bullets and the batons. It was ordinary Kenyans who choked on the teargas, who lost their lives, who buried their dead, but who nevertheless stood up and confronted the forces of tyranny. And it was ordinary Kenyans who spoke in no uncertain terms that day and told Moi 'thus far and no further.' Their stand led to the reintroduction of political pluralism and the first competitive elections in 1992.

On Saba Saba 1997, the second 'Kenyan Spring' dawned as Kenyans took a stand once more, this time demanding a say in the making of their new constitution as Moi insisted that only a Parliament that he dominated had the mandate to discuss the constitution, dismissively asking what 'Wanjiku' understood about constitution-making. But once again the voice of Wanjiku eventually  carried the day. However, as in the previous Saba Saba, many had to fall and we still have many walking wounded in our midst as a result of daring to speak truth to power in love, the price we have always had to pay for the freedoms we enjoy.

And so as we approach #SabaSaba 2014, let not the politicians mistake our silence for ignorance, or our calm for indifference. Let them not think that spreading rumours and propaganda about insecurity or Mungiki or Taliban or MRC will scare us and silence us into submission. But let them know that when these hard-won freedoms are threatened, we shall stand up and defend them. And we shall not do so for Raila Odinga or against Uhuru Kenyatta. We shall do so for ourselves and for the future of our children. We have always done so in the past, and we shall always do so in the future.

Amkeni Ndugu Zetu! 

Wednesday 25 June 2014

Democracy should not be important only when it advances our interests: an open letter to the Kikuyu community.

My dear brothers and sisters, fellow members of the Kikuyu community,

I have agonized over writing this letter for some days now knowing just what politically charged times we live in and fearing that what I have to say may not go down well with everybody who reads it. But after weighing carefully the pros and cons, I came to the conclusion that what has to be said must be said even if it proves unpopular in some quarters because ultimately it is the truth that shall set us free. And even if we may not agree on what the truth is, we owe it to ourselves to have an honest conversation with the hope to moving forward together towards the truth.  

My fellow Kenyans of Kikuyu origin, it is time to come and let us reason together. Indeed the time for some serious soul-searching and deep reflection has been upon us for quite a while now. It is time to reflect and talk honestly about our community and the place it has occupied in Kenya’s history and continues to occupy in Kenya’s body politic.

Our community is the largest ethnic group in Kenya, and we have produced three of the four presidents that Kenya has had since independence. Whether we want to admit it or not, in a country of more than 40 communities, in a country which is so ethnically polarized as ours, in a country where resources tend to follow power, for one community to produce three out of four presidents in over half a century of independence is a big deal.

Our community also controls a significant part of the national economy and we are by far the most successful group from an economic point of view. By using the word “we” I am of course over-generalizing. I am aware that there are many poor in our midst - hawkers and casual workers in the cities, peasants and farmhands in the countryside, and the unemployed youth all over. I am also aware that often, our people have borne the brunt of the fallout from bad politics. From Molo to Burned Forest, from Kuresoi to Likoni, our men have been killed, our women have been raped, our children have been displaced. When the elephants have fought, we are the grass that has suffered and we continue to bear the scars of our suffering. But to the extent that when we have been called upon by our politicians to use our vote to ‘protect our own’ we have readily heeded the call and often acted as a block, then this generalization is justified.

Most of us who are economically successful view our success as being the result of an enterprising spirit that characterizes our community. Yet we have allowed ourselves to become hostage to a siege mentality and to regard ourselves as the targets of “envious hatred from less successful communities.” We point to the post-election violence of 2007 and 2008 and the Moi-era ethnic violence as the evidence that supports this view. Those of us who hold this view have come to regard the retention of political power as a prerequisite to our continued survival as a people, in a country where others have become hostile to a point where they can even be moved to contemplate genocidal violence against us.

Our politicians, professionals, priests and pastors were at the forefront of the struggle for democratic rights which President Moi trampled upon when he ruled this country for 24 years. At that time, democracy was an important value to us. For example, when Moi conducted farcical elections in 1988, which were targeted at muting our voice and that of the Luo in national politics, we carried our grievances loudly and for a long time. The ills of the 1988 elections are what motivated the political rebellion which led to multi-party politics in 1992.

When the 2007 elections went horribly wrong, which many people think was the only reason Mwai Kibaki retained himself in power, our sentiment was that democracy was no longer so important, so long as there was peace. A similar view has characterized our view of the 2013 elections, whose accountability mechanisms collapsed spectacularly. Instead of addressing legitimate concerns raised at the time and since, we have continued to arrogantly tell the rest of the country to “accept and move on!”

In the eyes of the rest of the country, democracy is only important to us when it favours our interests, and ceases to be so when we have political power. The names we are calling Raila Odinga on social media and elsewhere, at home and in the diaspora, are the very names that Moi called our leaders in the struggles for democracy in the 1980s.

In between this general narrative, there are minor narratives, like that of Raila Odinga declaring  “Kibaki tosha” and thereby significantly boosting Kibaki’s chances of succeeding Moi at State House, and that of Kalonzo Musyoka supporting Kibaki after the catastrophic 2007 elections, the only way Kibaki maintained himself in power in that turbulent period. According to this narrative, when his term ended, it was reasonably expected that the least that Kibaki could have done was to return the favour, if not to Raila, then to Musyoka. Instead, Uhuru Kenyatta, who had come full circle from being Kibaki’s principal opponent in the 2002 elections and leader of opposition thereafter, became president.

 According to many observers of our country’s history, Kibaki's apparent ingratitude is not just a personal attribute but a reflection of our community. The “punda amechoka” remarks attributed to Raila Odinga refers, however inelegantly, not only to this but also the longer history going back to the relationship between Raila’s father, Jaramogi, and Jomo Kenyatta,  which was also characterized by unrequited loyalty of the former to the latter.

The manner in which the our current president and his deputy went about constituting their government after the 2013 elections, reserving most of the important positions for our people, continues to feed this growing sense of grievance against us.

In the face of the many unanswered questions about the 2013 elections, our president has gone on to protect the IEBC thereby presenting the country with the inevitability of another election in 2017 under this body which his competitors have vowed will not happen since, according to them, to allow it would be to volunteer to be led once again to an electoral slaughterhouse with their eyes wide open.

Today, many view us as having a relationship of horse and rider with the rest of the country including increasingly even the Kalenjin, our bedfellows in Jubilee. The URP’s recent brickbats against Cabinet Secretary Anne Waiguru, greatly disproportionate to her alleged misdeeds, were based on this view.

President Kenyatta’s recent speech, in which blamed the violence in Mpeketoni on the opposition, is significant because in saying what he said, he sadly descended from the high position of president of the republic, to the low position of our tribal leader. Instead of uniting the nation, he chose to divide it.

The domination by our people of government positions did not prevent, or save us from, the tragic events of  early 2008. What our country desperately needs at this point is political justice. Many see us as using our dominant political and economic position to prevent the realization of this ideal. The vote is important and is the only thing that will protect all of us from the mass violence we have experienced in the past. Our current government has swept under the carpet the questions and doubts arising from the conduct and outcome of the 2013 elections which, together with those of 2007, have come to represent the view that no matter the efforts of others, our community alone decides who becomes the president of Kenya, and does so using whatever rules we choose.  

But the question that we don’t seem to want to address is this, what is the better guarantor of our survival, retaining political power for ourselves by all means or creating strong democratic institutions which will guarantee the rights of all Kenyans no matter who happens to occupy the House on the Hill?

If Kenya is to have a future that includes all of us, the pervasive fear that causes us to pour such scorn and vitriol on Raila Odinga every time he seeks to have a conversation about that future must be contained or it will consume us all. The insults must stop, the arrogance must cease, the myth that we are more equal citizens of this republic whose vision of its future is the only one that counts must be debunked once and for all.

We must find ways to reach out to others and deal with them as equal stakeholders in the fortunes of the land of our birth as we address the common problems threatening to tear our country apart. And if on some point you feel differently; if you feel that I have been unfair to you because I have lumped you together with those pursuing a vision of Kikuyu hegemony over the affairs of our land, then it behooves you to join me in calling out those who do so in our name. For at such a time as this, when our country faces such existential challenges, remaining silent is not an option.

Yours sincerely,
Njonjo Mue.

Tuesday 8 April 2014

KQ's dreams won't be realized unless it styles up!

In the name of patriotism, I try not to be too critical of Kenya Airways, after all it's the national carrier... and the Pride of Africa. But recent flights to and from Amsterdam have compelled me to speak out also in the name of patriotism. I don't want to see our national carrier go out of business for lack of proper passenger feedback. I'd rather tell them to style up than vote with my feet and just stop flying KQ. So here goes:

1. That was a sorry excuse for a breakfast! The flight departs at 8.15 a.m. That means one has to be at the airport at 6.15 a.m., that means waking up at around 4 a.m. So finally when you get to your seat, you are quite hungry. And then what do you get? Some microscopic cereals without milk, a small yoghurt and a tiny bread roll. And, wait for this, no butter; instead, they've squeezed some Blue Band into a tiny container similar to those that one is given to place their stuff in for lab tests. As for lunch, KQ can't afford salad dressing, and that Blue Band again!

2. Our captain on the flight to Amsterdam had this dazed and disengaged voice that told you that either he had been up too late the night before, or that he had long lost interest in his job. The couple of announcements he had to make seemed like such a chore. On approaching Schiphol, he duly told us that we had began our descent to Jomo Kenyatta International Airport. That was a slip of the tongue, but with another Boeing 777 still missing with passengers and crew at that point after making unscheduled left turns in the sky, it was not very comforting to hear this from our captain. More importantly, it communicated a lack of precision that was discomfiting.

3. As for in-flight entertainment, the selection of both music and movies was poor. Half way through watching my movie, it just blacked out and told me the service was no longer available. Just like that! Being the practical person that I am and since I was rather enjoying the movie, I decided, not a problem, I will watch it on the return flight. Shock on me. On the return flight, it was not just one movie that didn't show, the entire in-flight entertainment of my seat was not functioning. I asked the cabin crew what was up and the answer I got? "Actually, there are 30 seats whose entertainment sets are not working and as this is a full flight, there's nothing I can do." Really??

4. On the return flight, we happened to be graced by the President of Burundi. But it was not enough for us to be informed of this great privilege. No. Every announcement had to be prefaced with "Your Excellency the President of the Republic of Burundi, Honorable Pierre Nkuruzinza, ladies and gentlemen...." And I mean every announcement from welcoming us on board, giving us safety instructions, telling us the captain had now switched off the fasten the seat belt sign, informing us dinner was on the way, telling us about the weather in Nairobi, welcoming us to JKIA, etc. all had to start with "Your Excellency the President of the Republic of Burundi, Hon Pierre Nkuruzinza, ladies and gentlemen..." It was maddening, it was like being in a political rally.

I arrived home on Saturday to the news that KQ had received the first of their new dream liner fleet. But it doesn't matter how many dreamliners they acquire, if their service does not improve, they will soon go out of business. We are patriotic and would love nothing better than to support the national carrier, but for all its alleged glamour, flying still amounts to little more than being trapped for eight hours in a metal cage 39,000 feet above sea level. If I am going to endure that necessary imprisonment, I expect the service on board to be of a standard that helps me momentarily to forget the fact of my incarceration.

Friday 4 April 2014

Finishing on the right side of history...

Over the last two days, and this being the day Martin Luther King Jr. was felled by an assassin's bullet, I've been starkly reminded that standing up for justice can be costly. But those who, at great risk to themselves, speak up for 'the least of these' must continue to do so confident in the knowledge that God himself is able to protect them, including protecting them beyond physical death. For if we give up our life for the cause of justice, we continue to live in the hearts of those for whom we made the ultimate sacrifice. And we finish on the right side of history, knowing that ultimately good will overcome evil, justice will outlive injustice, love will triumph over hate, hope will outlast despair and life will conquer death.

Wednesday 26 March 2014

Truth team: It’s not too late to snatch victory for victims



By Njonjo Mue

In the last two weeks, two important conferences have taken place to evaluate the importance of truth commissions in the search for justice for victims of human rights violations and promoting good governance.
On February 27 and 28, the National Victims and Survivors Network held a conference at Kasarani calling for implementation of the recommendations of the Truth Justice and Reconciliation Commission (TJRC).
This was followed a week later by an international conference at McGill University in Canada on the importance of truth and reconciliation commissions in promoting democratic good governance.
While formally unrelated, these conferences raise important questions about the role of truth commissions in consolidating democratic transitions.
The Kasarani conference brought together 65 Kenyan victims and survivors of human rights violations. Investigating these violations formed the core mandate of the TJRC.
The aims were to evaluate the TJRC report and explore strategies for pushing for implementation of its recommendations.
The conference provided victims and survivors with the first real opportunity to interrogate the outcome of the truth seeking process and discuss the status of the report and prospects for its implementation.
Of specific concern was that almost a year since the TJRC completed its work at considerable public expense, there had been deafening silence from the government on the fate of its report.
The TJRC Act provided specific timelines on the presentation of the report to the President, its publication in the Kenya Gazette, its tabling before Parliament, and the implementation of its recommendations.
The government was required to report periodically to Parliament on the progress of implementation. But none of this has happened.
REFUSED TO PUBLISH
Instead, the final days of the TJRC were marred by allegations of political interference with the report-writing; the President was three weeks late in receiving the report; the Government Printer has so far refused to publish it despite having been paid by the TJRC; and instead of facilitating the implementation of the report’s recommendations by establishing an implementation committee, Parliament amended the TJRC Act to give itself power to reopen the report to remove parts it did not like.
In this environment, justice for victims and survivors has become a mirage that seems to recede beyond reach with every passing day.
The gathering at McGill University brought together international experts to explore the factors that condition the success of TRCs in creating social cohesion as a foundation for democratic good governance.
They examined diverse national experiences including from Canada, which has an ongoing TRC to investigate the history and abuses of the Indian Residential School System.
There was common agreement that TRCs had become an important, if imperfect, tool to address past wrongs through restorative justice. But for a TRC to become effective, it should not be a process that merely creates more processes, nor should it be mere catharsis.
Rather it should lead to concrete action that begets true benefits and delivers real justice to victims through reparations and reform of abusive institutions. And to promote good democratic governance, TRCs should also contribute to genuine reconciliation.
Measured against these indicators, the Kenyan truth seeking process is at serious risk of failure. During its lifetime, the TJRC delivered little truth, justice or reconciliation, and the steps Kenya has taken so far in achieving good governance have been made in spite, and not because, of the TJRC.
But it is still not too late to snatch victory from the jaws of defeat for victims. The government could yet salvage the TJRC’s legacy by working in good faith to implement its recommendations.
The writer is a human rights lawyer and programme adviser for Kenyans with Peace, Truth and Justice
Published in Saturday Nation of 22 March 2014 and can be accessed here: http://mobile.nation.co.ke/blogs/Truth-team--It-s-not-too-late-to-snatch-victory-for-victims-/-/1949942/2252920/-/format/xhtml/-/37sfwez/-/index.html

Friday 21 March 2014

It's Not Too Late To Save Truth Report

It's Not Too Late To Save Truth Report

FRIDAY, MARCH 21, 2014 - 00:00 -- BY NJONJO MUE
In the last two weeks, two important conferences have taken place to evaluate the importance of truth commissions in the search for justice for victims of human rights violations and promoting good governance.
On February 27 and 28, the National Victims and Survivors Network held a conference at Kasarani calling for implementation of the recommendations of the Truth Justice and Reconciliation Commission.
This was followed a week later by an international conference at McGill University in Montreal, Canada, on the importance of truth and reconciliation commissions (TRCs) in promoting democratic good governance. While formally unrelated, these conferences raise important questions about the role of truth commissions in consolidating democratic transitions.
 The Kasarani conference brought together 65 Kenyan victims and survivors of human rights violations. Investigating these violations formed the core mandate of the TJRC.
The aims of the conference were to evaluate the contents of the TJRC report and to explore strategies for pushing for the implementation of its recommendations.
 The conference provided the victims and survivors with the first real opportunity to interrogate the outcome of Kenya’s truth seeking process and discuss the current status of the report and the prospects of implementation of its recommendations.
 Of specific concern was that almost a year since the TJRC completed its work at considerable public expense, there had been deafening silence from the government on the fate of its report.
The TJRC Act had provided very specific timelines as to the presentation of the report to the President, its publication in the Kenya Gazette, its tabling before Parliament, and the implementation of its recommendations which was to be overseen by a proposed Implementation Committee. The government was required to report periodically to Parliament on the progress of implementation. But none of this has happened.
Instead, the final days of the TJRC were marred by allegations of political interference with the report-writing process; the President was three weeks late in receiving the report; the Government Printer has so far refused to publish the report despite having been paid to do so by the TJRC; and instead of facilitating the implementation of the report’s recommendations by establishing the proposed implementation committee, Parliament amended the TJRC Act to give itself power to reopen the report to remove the parts that it did not like. In this environment, Justice for victims and survivors has become a mirage that seems to recede further beyond reach with every passing day.
The gathering at McGill University brought together international experts to explore the factors that condition the success of TRCs in contributing to creating social cohesion as a foundation for democratic good governance.
They examined diverse national experiences including from Canada which has an ongoing TRC to investigate the history and abuses of the Indian Residential School System; Argentina which had one of the first TRCs established in 1983; South Africa, whose TRC was among the most celebrated in the world and which has continued to provide inspiration for subsequent truth commissions; Sierra Leone; Australia; Northern Ireland; Guatemala; Brazil; Uruguay and Kenya.
 There was common agreement that TRCs had become an important, if imperfect, tool mandated by law to address past wrongs through restorative justice.
But for a TRC to become effective, it should not be a process that merely creates more processes, nor should it be mere catharsis.
Rather it should lead to concrete action that begets true benefits and delivers real justice to victims through reparations and the reform of abusive institutions.
And to promote good democratic governance, TRCs should also contribute to genuine reconciliation which may be defined as anything that that enables people to live peacefully together.
 Measured against these indicators, the Kenyan truth seeking process is in serious risk of failure. During its lifetime, the TJRC delivered little truth, justice or reconciliation, and the steps Kenya has made so far in achieving good governance have been made in spite, and not because, of the TJRC.
But it is still not too late to snatch victory for victims from the jaws of defeat. The government could yet salvage the TJRC’s legacy by working in good faith to implement its recommendations.

The writer is a human rights lawyer and a program adviser for Kenyans with Peace, Truth and Justice.
- See more at: http://www.the-star.co.ke/news/article-159714/its-not-too-late-save-truth-report#sthash.vafcZK3X.dpuf

Friday 7 March 2014

As things fall apart...

'Things fall apart
The centre cannot hold'

Hapless shoppers are attacked
As they shop and dine in malls
Inquiries are promised
But never began
Road users die daily
In myriad incidents
mis-named accidents
Insecurity abounds
From the leafless North
To the leafy suburbs
The cost of living
Goes through the roof
With new taxes and levies
Everywhere.
In the midst of all this
The National Assembly
Suspends all other business
To discuss the important matter
Of who Should fly
The national flag
And which category of leaders
May use the title
'Your Excellency.'

'Things fall apart
The centre cannot hold.'

Saturday 1 March 2014

Mamdani is wrong, it’s not impunity that heals but justice

During a debate recently held at Kenyatta University, Prof Mahmood Mamdani spoke on the topic, “Can Courts End Civil Wars?” The main thrust of his argument was that during or in the immediate wake of conflict, criminal prosecutions should play no role in efforts to reconstruct society. I attended the debate and disagreed with Mamdani. I later set out my reasons in this opinion piece carried in the current issue of The East African.

-------------------

During a debate recently held at Kenyatta University, Prof Mahmood Mamdani spoke on the topic, “Can Courts End Civil Wars?” The main thrust of his argument was that during or in the immediate wake of conflict, criminal prosecutions should play no role in efforts to reconstruct society.
He argued that criminal violence should not be conflated with political violence because the latter has a constituency. He further stated that prosecuting perpetrators in the wake of political atrocities would exacerbate rather than solve the problem because political violence is not just driven by perpetrators, but by issues.
In light of recent and ongoing experience in many African countries where gross human-rights violations continue to be committed in the guise of contestation for political power, Prof Mamdani’s thesis is disturbing.
It comes dangerously close to giving political elites a blank cheque to commit atrocities against their own people and avoid accountability by claiming a political motive for their criminal activities.
While we must concede that criminal trials cannot by themselves end civil war, Prof Mamdani errs by going to the opposite extreme in suggesting that politics alone should take centrestage.
“The rule of law requires a stable political order,” he asserted during the debate, adding that politics always trumps the law in post-conflict societies.
However, the role of criminal prosecutions and accountability in the immediate aftermath of conflict cannot be gainsaid.
Empirical evidence shows that where there is no accountability for atrocity crimes, they are likely to recur. At the end of the decade-long Sierra Leone civil war, for instance, the first peace agreement signed in Lome in 1999 provided for a blanket amnesty for all actors in the conflict, but it was not long before vicious fighting broke out once again.
The government of Sierra Leone then requested the United Nations to facilitate the setting up of a Special Court to prosecute those most responsible for the atrocities.
The court indicted several high-level actors including rebel leader Foday Sankoh, who subsequently died in custody while undergoing trial, and former Liberian president Charles Taylor, who is currently serving a 50-year jail sentence for his crimes during the civil war.
Criminal prosecution of perpetrators was a key variable that contributed significantly to the ending of the Sierra Leone conflict and its transition to democracy.
Criminal accountability also helps a society to restore the rule of law and affirms the human rights of victims, thereby helping to reinstate the social contract and to send a clear message to victims that the state is able and willing to protect them.
Underlying most atrocity crimes is a narrative of dehumanising and disenfranchising of “the other.” Criminal accountability sends a clear message that all citizens are equal members of the polity deserving of equal protection from the law and not mere objects to be sacrificed at the altar of the search for political dominance.
Where victims’ needs for justice are left unaddressed, victim communities themselves become vulnerable to mobilisation by warlords to seek revenge against what they consider enemy communities.
However, isolating and prosecuting individual perpetrators individualises guilt and stops the cycle of communal violence.
The struggle for political stability in most post-conflict societies beginning in Latin America in the late 1970s and sweeping through Eastern Europe, Asia and Africa especially after the end of the Cold War has given rise to a new field of human rights termed transitional justice.
It refers to the set of judicial and non-judicial measures that have been implemented by different countries in order to redress the legacies of massive human-rights violation.
These measures include prosecuting those responsible for human-rights abuses; establishing the truth about the nature of the violations; delivering reparations to victims; and implementing institutional reforms to change those institutions that aggravated or caused the conflict and creating new ones to promote human rights. 
None of these measures is sufficient in and of itself. Transitional justice mechanisms must be implemented in a comprehensive, mutually supportive and carefully sequenced manner.
But where crimes against humanity, genocide, war crimes and other gross violations of human rights have been committed, perpetrators must be held criminally accountable, no matter what the motive for their actions or the constituency that they purport to act for.
Njonjo Mue is a human-rights lawyer and a programme adviser to Kenyans for Peace, Truth and Justice
See article at this link: http://www.theeastafrican.co.ke/OpEd/comment/Mamdani-is-wrong--it-s-not-impunity-that-heals-but-justice/-/434750/2226690/-/item/1/-/129q54oz/-/index.html

Thursday 9 January 2014

Her Name is Nancy...

[From the archives... I wrote this journal entry in mid 2007]


I've seen her countless times but have never looked at her face. Actually, I am more familiar with her tall figure as she usually stands silhouetted by the soft glow of a lone street lamp in the early evening hours of most days just outside the Mika restaurant opposite the Nairobi Women's Hospital. 

The first few days I saw her there I thought she was waiting for the bus. But later, it occurred to me that she was not making her way home from work; she was beginning her workday. Her body being what she had come to offer to any passer-by who sought to ease the pain of loneliness in this big, unfriendly city...

Katindi and I often hang out at Mika after work. It is usually quiet and their tea is reasonably priced. The waiters have come to know us to the point of one of them recently asking us if we could help find his niece a job. And so it is that whenever we drive out of the compound, it is difficult not to notice her lonely, sad figure as she watches the evening passing by. But there is something intriguing about her. She looks decent; not dressed like goods on display; not at all like our sisters on K-Street or even further along the road near Chaka Place. She looks out of place in the oldest profession. I've often wondered what her story is.

But more importantly, I've longed to tell her The Story. Of the Man who cast seven demons out of another lone, elegant, sad figure who often stood silhouetted against the street lamps of First Century Palestine in a small seaside town called Magdalla. Of the Man who dared anyone who had his act together to cast the first stone and found no takers. Of the Man who graciously accepted to have his feet washed with tears and dried with hair that had been ruffled by many a lusty hand. And yet he did not feel defiled because he knew that He had already washed away all the filth that had hitherto found abode in the woman who broke the alabaster jar and gladly wasted her expensive perfume on Him.

But I never got the chance. Not until last evening. 

It's interesting how God orchestrates things to achieve His purpose and all we have to do is be alert and follow His prompting. I had risen up in the morning and had a wonderful quiet time. This week I've been going through Luke's Gospel and really enjoying it. Anyway just as I was leaving home, I had picked up a tract of 'The Four Spiritual Laws', just in case I got a chance to share the gospel with someone at the office, but it turned out that I was too busy to do so during the day.

In the evening a group of guys I normally meet with suggested that we meet at Mika for tea. As twilight gave way to early evening, the skies opened and there was a downpour just as we were winding up our meeting. The rain forced her to take shelter in the restaurant and as we were leaving, she sat quietly at a table drinking some warm water and browsing absentmindedly through the day's paper, doubtless wondering when the rain would subside so that she could go back to work.

I had half an hour to spare before the time I was supposed to pick up Katindi from her office. As the guys were leaving, for accountability's sake, I told Ian that I was remaining behind to talk to her. I then went to the car to drop my Bible and say a quick prayer. I came back and tentatively approached her table.

"Do you mind if I join you?" I asked. She appeared a little confused at first, then a bit defensive as she tried to read my face. I am certain that she is not used to being approached so boldly in a public place. I introduced myself and offered to buy her a cup of tea. I asked her if we could move to a more private part of the restaurant and she obliged.

"My name is Nancy*," she offered as we sat at our new table. When I made to go and call the waiter, she said she had already asked him to come. And so I sat facing her. For the purposes of this evening, I had never seen her before. I was taking my cue from the Carpenter and I was not here to condemn her for her past.

I asked her about her family and she told me of a nine-year old daughter, Grace*, whom she sometimes wishes was a son because ‘girls are ruder to their mothers.’ She told me she came from Bondo and had had her daughter just after completing High School. She then came to Nairobi and lives in Eastleigh. I did not ask what she does for a living.

"If someone told you that your daughter was top of her class at the end of term, would you be able to keep it to yourself?" I asked wanting to get on with the purpose of my asking to speak to her.

"No, I wouldn't," she answered, "You can't keep such good news to yourself."

"That is why I asked to speak to you." I said. "You see I have such good news that it is difficult for me to keep it to myself; would you like to hear it?" I asked reaching out for the tract. She was enthusiastic and over the next fifteen minutes, I shared with her the fundamentals of the Good News: that God loves her and has a wonderful plan for her life; that man is sinful and separated from God and is therefore incapable of experiencing God's love and wonderful plan; that man tries a variety of ways to reach God in his own efforts but fails every time; that Jesus is God's provision to bridge the gulf between a Holy God and sinful man; that it is not enough just to know all this, but we must accept the free gift of life given by God through the death and resurrection of Jesus Christ. This we do by inviting Jesus into our lives by faith.

She was so receptive and she enthusiastically took in all that I was sharing with her and asked questions for clarification as we went along. When it came to the critical question - Which circle represents your life right now? - she said that she had Christ in her life because she was catholic. I was tempted to challenge her assertion, based on what I knew to be her lifestyle, but Wisdom prevailed and I held my counsel, for I had purposed to know nothing about her past. I was here to share the Good News and I had done my part. As I struggled with disappointment, the still, small voice whispered in my heart the comforting words of Bill Bright: "Evangelism is sharing the Gospel in the power of the Holy Spirit and leaving the result to God."

By now the rain had subsided and I needed to go and pick Katindi up. I couldn't wait to share with her the good news of sharing the good news. As I prepared to leave, I apologised that the waiter had not come to serve us and so I had not bought her the cup of tea that I'd promised at the outset of our conversation. "Oh, don't worry," she said with a smile. "Man shall not live by bread alone." We prayed together and I left...

I went away rejoicing. Without giving in to self-righteous pride, I couldn't help wondering when the last time was when a man had genuinely engaged this precious daughter of Abraham on the basis of equality. I thanked God for giving me the opportunity.

This morning, I was reading Luke again, this time hanging out with Jesus as he sent out the 72, and an interesting truth came to my attention. Luke records how the Lord sent them "ahead of him to every town and place where he was about to go." It is not for me to judge how true her assertion was that she had Christ in her heart. But even if she did not and she did not immediately give her life to Jesus at the restaurant, I felt contented by the fact that I may have been the person Jesus had sent ahead of Him to prepare her to receive Him.

And so the next time Katindi and I go on our date, I know that we shall not just contemplate a solitary figure silhouetted by the soft glow of the lone street lamp, but if she will still be standing there, we shall behold her in a different light, knowing that she is a human being cherished by God who sent His Son to die for her. She is not a faceless figure any more but a person who is in the process of being wooed by the Man from Galilee.  And her name is Nancy...

[*Not her real name]